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The stories I explore here for evidence of the themes of initiatory illness and spirit marriage are Aislinge Óenguso, Serglige Con Culainn, and Aithed Muirne re Dubh Ruis.
These and similar texts, have been viewed in various ways by Celtic scholars. For example, Aithed Muirne re Dubh Ruis has been viewed by Mac Cana as a manifestation of the theme of King and Goddess, emanating from primal Celtic tradition.21 One may also question whether she is a female Suibhne, and a largely literary endeavor. The Aislinge may be seen as a sophisticated literary work, similar to, and perhaps influenced by, tales of courtly love. On the other hand, one can also see themes that may date back to Indo-European origins, pointing to roots that are more archaic. For example, the sercc ecmaise, "love in absence" or "love of a spectral love" seems to me to bear a relationship with an Indian literary convention, ad__ak_ma, defined as "love of an unseen one".22 In general, scholars such as McCone and Carney tend to view Irish tales as literary products, not reflecting ancient traditions to any great extent. On the other hand, scholars such as Ó Cathasaigh, Dillon, and Mac Cana see them as possibly retaining very archaic primal elements. Ó Cathasaigh has also spoken of how the myth making process was ongoing in later times. Tales of Cormac Mac Airt still served as myths, inspiring and guiding those who believed they descended from him, long after Ireland had been Christianised.23 The implications of these differing views to my study are various. On the one hand, a Covenanter going through a "dark night of the soul" experience, an Eskimo shaman going through his initiatory crisis, and a modern day person experiencing "spiritual emergency," may describe a strikingly similar state. On this level, whether the experience stems from primal, Christian, or a combination of both, traditions is ancillary to its reality. You could look to St. Theresa of Avila, or St. Gertrude the Great of Helfta, as well as to Balinese shamans for accounts of divine marriage. Those who experienced an initiatory crisis in later times did not do so in a purely or perhaps even partially primal context. However, what I hope to prove is that these experiences occurred, and in the earlier tales, did so in a way which is so classically and traditionally shamanic that some primal elements seem likely. In what follows, I compare the three primary texts I am using, in their entirety, to the stages in shamanic initiatory crisis. To aid in making a full comparison, I have included diagrams in section VII that compare the major events in each story to the parallel stages of initiatory crisis in other cultures. The form of crisis and initiation in the three tales I have chosen bear strong resemblance to shamanic illness and initiation in two cultures in particular, that of the Kwakiutl of Canada, and that found in Burmese shamanism. In making my comparisons in these diagrams I have used the full description of the crisis involved in any one case. In sections IV - VII compare the stages of crisis in the tales with the stages of crisis in Kwakiutl, Burmese and other types of shamanism. I also utilise various other sources from anthropology, psychology, and other tales to emphasise and amplify on certain points. I believe that it is helpful to view these tales in two ways. One way is as the academic, standing back and viewing the subject, and the other is trying to view the stories closer to the way the subjects might have viewed them. Without throwing the intellect out the window, one has to acknowledge the validity of a world view that does not draw hard lines between body, mind, and spirit, religion and daily life, and this world and the other world. Shamanic cultures that we know of, such as the Kwakiutl, tend not to view man as the prime mover in the universe. If their behaviour is discussed purely on terms of kinship, warfare, and prestige issues, we miss the true motivation behind it.24 The outward social form is based upon myth and visionary experience. Problems of perception arise when we look at many of the Celtic texts. It is often very difficult to tell if a character is in this world or the other. In shamanic cultures there is often no clear distinction drawn between this world and the other in conversation and ritual. A South American Shuar shaman does not distinguish in speech between the realities, although he is aware when he is in one reality or the other. In the following example, a Shuar shaman sings of his experience. I have written in square brackets and italics where he is referring to this world, and where he refers to the other world. I am like Tsuni,25 I am like Tsuni, [spirit reality] When I drink natema, all my body becomes cold, [physical reality] and I easily suck out the tsentsak.26 I am always above the clouds, and thus I have power. [spirit reality] I drank natema. [physical reality] I drank enough to have power... [spirit reality] there is a very large body of water. [physical reality] Thus, I am like a great body of water... [spirit reality] Now I am going to become dizzy, [physical reality] I will see [spirit reality] when I have become intoxicated.27 [physical reality] One can see how cumbersome it would be for the shaman to draw distinctions between the realities. He would also not find it necessary to say which reality he is talking about, largely because shamanic cultures tend to view things more holistically. Additionally, the other world is no less vivid than this one. The use of the term dà shealladh, "the two sights" seems to reflect a view that the two worlds are of equal importance. This may also explain in part why we have such difficulty in Celtic texts distinguishing this world from other world experience.
Footnotes
21 Mac Cana, 1955-56, pp. 370-377 |
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